A number of Republicans in Congress have condemned, criticized, or expressed concern about President Trump’s disastrous performance during his meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Helsinki, Finland on Monday.
Trump said he believed Putin over his own national security advisers, criticized the FBI for investigating Russian meddling in the 2016 election, and bizarrely spoke at length about Hillary Clinton’s emails and the Democratic National Committee’s server. He did not stand up to Putin. Even Fox News wasn’t pleased with the president’s performance.
“The president must appreciate that Russia is not our ally,” said Speaker Paul Ryan (R-WI). Sen. John McCain (R-AZ) called it “one of the most disgraceful performances by an American president in memory.” Rep. Peter King (R-NY) called it “indefensible.” Sen. Justin Amash (R-NE) said, “Something is not right here.”
But Republicans on Capitol Hill apparently feel powerless. A number of them reportedly expressed sentiments to Politico’s Jake Sherman that he summed up as: “What the hell do you want us to do?”
A few senators have proposed milquetoast responses to Trump’s behavior. Sen. Jeff Flake (R-AZ), who is retiring, said he will introduce a resolution that emphasizes Congress supports the FBI and Robert Mueller, does not question the indictment of 12 Russians last week, stands with the United States’ European allies, and pledges to “hold Russia to account.” It’s unclear if the resolution will do anything else.
Sen. Bob Corker (R-TN), also retiring, proposed passing a bill allowing Congress to block Trump’s tariffs as a way of sending a message to the president. This could actually impact Trump’s agenda by preventing him from slapping tariffs on European allies as he pursues a closer relationship with Russia. However, there are much more meaningful and effective ways to push back against Trump, should the Republicans in Congress wish to do so.
With a 45-vote majority in the House, and a one-vote majority in the Senate, Republicans could wield their power if they wanted to push back against Trump’s secret meeting with Putin. Here are some clear, easy ways to do it:
They could protect the Mueller investigation
A major threat to President Trump’s presidency is potential wrongdoing unveiled by Special Counsel Robert Mueller’s investigation. Trump has regularly criticized the investigation and has reportedly come close to firing Mueller. Congress could step in and pass a law to protect the special counsel from inappropriate removal so that he can issue his report to the public.
Sens. Cory Booker (D-NJ), Lindsey Graham (R-SC) sponsored a bill last year that would require a judge to approve the removal of a special counsel.
The Senate Judiciary Committee approved a bill in April that seeks to protect the Mueller investigation. It has not received a full vote in the Senate. The bill would allow a special counsel like Muller to apply for an “expedited judicial review” should they be fired. It would also require the Attorney General to tell Congress why a special counsel is removed or appointed, and alert them if the scope of the investigation changes. It would provide a small measure of oversight on the very real threat that Trump could fire the person investigating him and his advisers.
GOP leaders like Speaker Paul Ryan and Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-KY) have dismissed the need for such legislation, and questioned its constitutionality over fears it will constrain the executive branch.
They could place tougher sanctions on Russia
Congress passed a Russia sanctions bill last year with a veto-proof majority, which Trump grudgingly signed, but not without attacking Congress for pushing relations with Russia to a “very dangerous low.”
After the deeply concerning Helsinki press conference, they could do more.
Sen. John Cornyn (R-TX), McConnell’s deputy, said Congress could place additional sanctions on Russia. “We could find common ground to turn the screws on Russia,” he told reporters on Tuesday. Paul Ryan also signaled he may be open to considering additional sanctions: “If the foreign affairs committee or the financial services committee and the Senate Banking Committee think that there are other sanctions that we have not yet placed upon Russia, I’m more than happy to consider those.”
They could block Trump’s key judicial nominees
The Senate confirms federal judges nominated by Trump, including the Supreme Court, by a simple majority. Just two GOP senators could vote no on nominees to halt the White House’s judicial strategy entirely and place enormous pressure on Trump, particularly ahead of Brett Kavanaugh’s confirmation.
This would allow them to extract nearly anything they wanted from Trump, if they are actually concerned about his relationship with Putin or his disregard for the American intelligence community.
They could force Trump to release his tax returns
Trump is the first major presidential candidate since Watergate to refuse to release his tax returns. It is possible those returns hold information about investments or assets tied to Russian-linked entities, which could help explain why Trump is so obsequious when it comes to Putin, and why Russia attempted to help his campaign. There is no way to know unless he releases them.
Congress could force him to do so.
Last February, 229 House Republicans refused to force Trump to turn his tax returns over to the House Ways and Means Committee, the body charged with examining tax returns. The committee could have decided to release those returns to the public. Any of those representatives could change their minds.
All House Republicans voted against a resolution that would have forced the president to release not only his tax returns, but also the visitor logs for the White House and Mar-a-Lago.
They could grill Trump aides under oath
Congress can call even top executive branch aides to testify under oath.
Trump’s national security team, members of which reportedly said that the outcome of the Helsinki summit was “very much counter to the plan,” could tell the truth to Congress in a public forum. They could give information about what the president has prioritized in private when it comes to relations with Russia, what Trump promised Putin, and what really happened in the one-on-one meeting that preceded the press conference.
Sen. Chuck Schumer (D-NY) took to the senate floor to call for this on Monday. “And very importantly, probably most importantly, our Republican colleagues need to join us in demanding testimony from the President’s national security team that was in Helsinki — and we need to do that immediately,” he said.
Another helpful topic to rigorously examine in congressional hearings would be how the United States can protect its elections in the future, given that Director of National Intelligence Dan Coats warned that when it comes to cyberthreats,”the warning lights are blinking red again.”
Two senators could threaten to caucus with Democrats
This would be a much more serious move, but if two GOP senators are truly disturbed by the president’s actions, they could threaten to join with their Democratic colleagues on oversight issues.
A Democratic-controlled Senate would be able to credibly engage in oversight through public hearings on any number of executive branch scandals that have also elicited bipartisan outrage. It could stop extreme executive branch or judicial nominees. It could take seriously the threat that Russian interference manifested in the 2016 elections, and more seriously, the continued threats that such interference pose to the 2018 and 2020 elections.
Passing bills to force the release of tax returns would almost certainly prompt a Trump veto, and it’s not unreasonable to think that a bill protecting the Mueller investigation and tough Russia sanctions would too. However, given the number of Republicans who have publicly stated how dangerous and concerning they found Trump’s performance with Putin — and who are constitutionally allowed to cast votes however they wish — there should be enough to override a veto.
Even if they are worried about failing to override a veto and fail to accomplish any of these priorities, these legislators can still make a stronger and more meaningful ask to make clear that there is still some kind of oversight in a government which was built to provide checks and balances on exactly this sort of behavior from the president of the United States. They have the power. They’re just not using it.